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Marriage Preparation and Cohabiting Couples
An Information Report on New Realities
and Pastoral Practices
Copyright 1999 United States Catholic Conference, Inc, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. Permission is hereby granted to reproduce excerpts in articles or newsletters or for reproduction and free distribution in its entirety.
Today almost half the couples who come for marriage preparation in the Catholic Church are in a cohabiting relationship. 1 Cohabitation, in a commonly understood sense, means living together in a sexual relationship without marriage. Living together in this way involves varying degrees of physical and emotional interaction. Such a relationship is a false sign. It contradicts the meaning of a sexual relationship in marriage as the total gift of oneself in fidelity, exclusivity, and permanency.
Over the past twenty-five years cohabitation has become a major social phenomenon affecting the institution of marriage and family life.2 It is also an extremely perplexing issue for priests, deacons, and lay pastoral ministers who help couples prepare for marriage in the Church.
In 1988 the NCCB Committee on Pastoral Practices published Faithful to Each Other Forever: A Catholic Handbook of Pastoral Help for Marriage Preparation. The intent of this volume was to be a resource for those involved in marriage preparation work. It remains a very useful and comprehensive pastoral tool.
Faithful to Each Other Forever discussed (pp. 71-77) the question of cohabitation under two headings: (a) input on cohabitation from personal experiences and the behavioral sciences and (b) pastoral approaches to cohabiting couples. In this latter section the handbook drew upon the written policies of a few dioceses to present a range of possible options for working with cohabiting couples who come seeking marriage in the Church.
Now, nearly twelve years after the original work of Faithful to Each Other Forever, the cumulative pastoral experience of ministering to cohabiting couples has broadened and deepened. This is reflected, at least partially, in the increased number of dioceses that now include a treatment of the issue within their marriage preparation policies.
In this present resource paper the NCCB Committee on Marriage and Family builds upon the foundation provided by Faithful to Each Other Forever when it first treated the question of cohabitation. The paper adopts the same two-part structure: empirical data and pastoral approaches. Its purpose is two-fold:
- To impart INFORMATION that is current and relevant to all who participate in the Church's ministry with engaged couples, including those in diocesan leadership who might be in the process of revising their marriage preparation policies;
- To offer a DESCRIPTIVE OVERVIEW of common pastoral approaches now being taken in U.S. dioceses to the various situations and issues connected with the phenomenon of cohabiting couples.
This paper is neither an official statement of the Committee on Marriage and Family nor of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops. It does not offer formal recommendations for action. It is intended as a resource paper, offering a compilation of resources and a reflection of the present "state of the question" regarding certain issues of cohabitation.
In this way, it wishes to help:
- bishops and diocesan staff who are reviewing and possibly revising their marriage preparation policies;
- priests, deacons, pastoral ministers, and lay volunteers who want to become more informed and effective in working with cohabiting couples who come to marriage preparation programs;
- those who are responsible for inservice and continuing education of clergy and laity who carry out the Church's ministry of marriage preparation.
As pointed out in Faithful to Each Other Forever (p.71), the Committee acknowledges a distinction between sexual activity outside of marriage and cohabitation. They are not identical matters. One can exist without the other. Couples may engage in sexual intercourse without living together; other couples may share the same residence but not live in a sexual relationship. The focus of this paper, however, is on cohabitation understood as both having a sexual relationship and living together in the same residence. Moreover, in Part Two, the paper focuses even more narrowly on a segment of cohabiting couples, namely, those who choose to move out of this type of relationship and into the lifelong commitment of marriage. It is this group of engaged couples who pose certain unique pastoral challenges.
In both sections of the paper the Committee has chosen a question-and-answer format in order to organize the material in a concise manner. The Committee is very grateful to Sr. Barbara Markey, ND, PhD, Director of the Family Life Office in the Archdiocese of Omaha, for helping to compile and edit the first section. In order to develop the second section, Committee staff collected marriage preparation policies representing 129 dioceses from around the country. The pastoral approaches outlined in this section emerge from an analysis of these policies, from knowledge of current pastoral practice, and from consultations with pastoral ministers. In particular, the Committee thanks Dr. James Healy, PhD, Director of the Center for Family Ministry in the Diocese of Joliet, for his assistance with this part of the paper.
Finally, in the course of preparing this report, the Committee on Pastoral Practices and Bishop David E. Fellhauer, chairman of the Committee on Canonical Affairs reviewed and recommended changes in the text. We are very grateful for their expert involvement.
Those couples who are in a cohabiting relationship and who come to the Church for marriage preparation represent only a percentage of the total cohabiting population. Nonetheless, to understand and respond to them one must appreciate some aspects of the broader phenomenon of cohabitation. This, in turn, is set within a context of widespread sexual activity outside of marriage. In this section we provide highlights of what social science has discovered about cohabitation in general and with specific reference to cohabiting couples who eventually marry.3
Cohabitation is a pervasive and growing phenomenon with a negative impact on the role of marriage as the foundation of family. The incidence of cohabitation is much greater than is indicated by the number of cohabiting couples presenting themselves for marriage. Slightly more than half of couples in first-time cohabitations ever marry; the overall percentage of those who marry is much lower when it includes those who cohabit more than once. Cohabitation as a permanent or temporary alternative to marriage is a major factor in the declining centrality of marriage in family structure. It is a phenomenon altering the face of family life in first-world countries.
- 11% of couples in the United States cohabited in 1965--74; today, a little over half of all first marriages are preceded by cohabitation. (Bumpass & Lu, 1998; Popenoe and Whitehead, 1999)
- Across all age groups there has been a 45% increase in cohabitation from 1970 to 1990. It is estimated that 60% to 80% of the couples coming to be married are cohabiting. (US Bureau of the Census, 1995; Bumpass, Cherlin & Sweet, 1991)
- Overall, fewer persons are choosing to be married today; the decision to cohabit as a permanent or temporary alternative to marriage is a primary reason (Bumpass, NSFH Paper #66, 1995) The percent of couples being married in the United States declined 25% from 1975 to 1995. The Official Catholic Directory reported 406,908 couples married in the Catholic Church in 1974; in 1995, it reported a 25% decline to 305,385 couples.
- Only 53% of first cohabiting unions result in marriage. The percentage of couples marrying from second and third cohabitations is even lower. (Bumpass & Lu, 1998; Bumpass, 1990; Wu, 1995; Wineberg & McCarthy, 1998) 10% to 30% of cohabitors intend never to marry. (Bumpass & Sweet, 1995)
- All first-world countries are experiencing the phenomenon of cohabitation and the corrosive impact it has on marriage as the center of family. (Bumpass, NSFH paper #66, 1995; Hall & Zhao, 1995; Thomasson, 1998; Haskey and Kiernan, 1989)
The profile of the average cohabiting household is both expected and somewhat surprising. Persons with low levels of religious participation, and those who have experienced disruption in their parents' marriages or a previous marriage of their own are likely candidates for cohabitation. Persons with lower levels of education and earning power cohabit more often and marry less often than those with higher education. The average cohabiting household stays together just over one year and children are part of two-fifths of these households. Men are more often serial or repeat cohabitors, moving from woman to woman, while women tend to cohabit only one time.
- 40% of cohabiting households include children, either the children of the relationship or the children that one or both partners bring to the relationship. (US. Bureau of Census, 1998, Wu, 1995; Schoen,1992)
- Median duration of cohabitation is 1.3 years. (Bumpass & Lu, 1998; Wu, 1995; Schoen & Davis, 1992). Previously married persons cohabit more often than never-married; two-thirds of those separated or divorced and under age 35 cohabit. They are more likely than never-married cohabiting couples to have children in the household and they are much less likely than never-married to marry their current partner or someone else. (Wineberg & -McCarthy, 1998; Wu, 1995; Bumpass and Sweet, 1989)
- Those not completing high school are almost twice as likely to cohabit as those who complete college. 40% of college graduates, however, do cohabit at some time. Only 26% of women with college degrees cohabit compared to 41% of women without a high school diploma. The higher the level of education, the more likely the cohabitor is to marry the partner. (Qian, 1998; Bumpass & Lu, 1998; Thornton, Axinn, Teachman, 1995; Willis & Michael, 1994)
- Women are likely to cohabit only once and that with the person they subsequently marry; men are more likely to cohabit with a series of partners. (Bumpass & Sweet, 1989, Teachman and Polanko, 1990)
- Individuals, especially women, who experienced disruption in their parents' marriage are more likely to cohabit than those who had parents with stable marriages. (Axinn & Thornton, 1992; Kiernan, 1992; Black & Sprenkle, 1991; Bumpass & Sweet, 1989)
- Persons with low levels of religious participation and who rate religion of low importance are more likely to cohabit and less likely to marry their partner than those who consider religion important and practice it. There is no difference in frequency of cohabitation by religious denomination; there is a significant difference in cohabitation frequency by level of religious participation. (Krishnan, 1998; Lye & Waldron, 1997; Thornton, Axinn & Hill, 1992; Liejbroer, 1991; Sweet, 1989)
- In general, those in cohabiting households are more independent, more liberal in attitude and more risk-oriented than non-cohabitors. (Clarkberg, Stolzenberg & Waite, 1995; Cunningham & Antill, 1994; Huffman, Chang, Rausch & Schaffer, 1994; DeMaris & MacDonald, 1993)
The declining significance of marriage as the center of family is in large part a result of growing secularization and individualization in first-world cultures. Aversion to long term commitments is one of the identifying characteristics of these trends and a major reason for cohabitation. Key milestones previously associated with marriage, such as sexual relationships, child bearing and establishing couple households, now occur without marriage. Individuals choose to cohabit under the influence of these cultural values but also for very individual reasons. Some are seeking to ensure a good future marriage and believe that a "trial marriage" will accomplish this; many are simply living together because it seems more economically feasible or because it has become the social norm. In general, cohabitors are not a homogenous or monolithic group, however fully their general characteristics can be described. The reasons for choosing cohabitation are usually mixed: cohabitation may be in equal parts an alternative to marriage and an attempt to prepare for marriage.
There are both broad cultural reasons and a range of individual reasons for cohabitation.
- The cultural reasons are descriptive of most first world countries: changing values on family and decline in the importance of marriage; (Bumpass, NSFH #66, 1995; Clarkberg, Stolzenberg & Waite, 1995; Parker, 1990)
- Declining confidence in religious and social institutions to provide guidance; (Nicole & Baldwin, 1995; Thornton, Axinn & Hill, 1992)
- Delaying of marriage for economic or social reasons while sexual relationships begin earlier. 85% of unmarried youth are sexually active by age 20. "Marriage no longer signifies the beginning of sexual relationship, the beginning of child bearing or the point at which couples establish joint households" (Bumpass,#66, 1995). (Popenoe & Whitehead, 1999; Peplau, Hill & Rubin, 1993; Rindfuss & Van den Heuvel, 1990)
The individual reasons for cohabitation are varied:
- Fear of or disbelief in long-term commitment; (Nicole & Baldwin, 1995; Bumpass, DeMaris & MacDonald, 1993)
- Desire to avoid divorce; (Nicole & Baldwin, 1995; Thornton, 1991; Bumpass, 1990)
- Desire for economic security; (Rindfuss & Van den Heuvel, 1990; Schoen & Owens, 1992)
- Stage of personal development, escape from home, "rite of passage"; (Nicole & Baldwin, 1995)
- Desire for stability for raising of children; (Wu, 1995; Bumpass, Sweet & Cherlin, 1991; Manning & Lichter, 1996)
- Pressure to conform to current mores that having cohabiting partner is measure of social success, personal desirability, adult transition; (Rindfuss, Van Den Heuvel, 1990; Schoen & Owens, 1992)
- Desire to test the relationship; (Nicole & Baldwin, 1995; Bumpass, Sweet & Cherlin, 1991; Bumpass, 1990)
- Rejection of the institution of marriage and desire for an alternative to marriage; (Sweet & Bumpass, 1992; Rindfuss, Van den Heuvel, 1990)
Overall, less than half of cohabiting couples ever marry. Those who do choose
to marry are in some part counter-culture to the growing view that it is certainly not
necessary and perhaps not good to marry. Those who choose to marry instead of
continuing to cohabit are the "good news" in a culture that is increasingly anti-marriage.
Those cohabiting couples who move to marriage seem to be the "best risk" of a high
risk group: they have fewer risk factors than those cohabitors who choose not to marry.
Even so, they still divorce at a rate 50% higher than couples who have never cohabited.
They are a high risk group for divorce and their special risk factors need to be identified
and addressed, especially at the time of marriage preparation, if the couples are to build
solid marriages.
Only 50% to 60% of cohabitors marry the persons with whom they cohabit at a given
time. 76% report plans to marry their partner but only about half do. The percentage
of couples marrying after second and third cohabitation is even lower.
(Brown & Booth, 1996; Bumpass & Sweet, 1989)
- Up to 30% of cohabitors intend never to marry. (Bumpass & Sweet, 1995)
- 20% of cohabiting partners disagree about whether or not they intend to marry. (Bumpass, Sweet & Cherlin, 1991)
- When cohabitors do marry, they are more at risk for subsequent divorce than those who did not cohabit before marriage. In the United States, the risk of divorce is 50% higher for cohabitors than non-cohabitors. In some western European countries, it is estimated to be 80% higher. (Bumpass & Sweet, 1995; Hall & Zhao, 1995; Bracher, Santow, Morgan & Trussell, 1993; DeMaris & Rao, 1992; Glenn, 1990)
- When previously married cohabitors marry, their subsequent divorce rate is higher than that of cohabiting couples who have not been previously married. (Wineberg & McCarthy, 1998; Wu, 1995; Bumpass & Sweet, 1989)
- Those who cohabit more than once prior to marriage, serial or repeat cohabitors, have higher divorce rates when they do marry than those who cohabit only once. (Brown & Booth, 1996; Stets,1993; Thomson & Colella, 1991)
- There is some indication that the divorce rate is higher for people who cohabit for a longer period of time, especially over three years. The data on this are mixed. (Lillard Brien & Waite, 1995; Thomson & Colella, 1991; Bennett, Blanc & Bloom, 1988)
- Cohabitors who marry break up in the earlier years of marriage. Cohabitors and noncohabitors have the same rate of marriage stability if the marriage remains intact over seven years. (Bumpass, Sweet & Cherlin, 1991; Bennett, Blanc, & Bloom, 1988)
- Cohabitors who do choose to marry appear to be of lesser risk for later divorce than those cohabitors who choose not to marry would be. They appear to be the best risk of a high risk group. (Thomson & Colella, 1991)
Individuals who choose to cohabit have certain attitudes, issues and patterns
that lead them to make the decision to cohabit. These same attitudes, issues and
patterns often become the predisposing factors to put them at high risk for divorce
when they do choose to move from cohabitation to marriage. The cohabitation
experience itself creates risk factors, bad habits, that can sabotage the subsequent
marriage. These attitudes and patterns can be identified and brought to the couple
preparing for marriage for examination, decision-making, skill-building, change.
Without creating "self-fulfilling prophecies," those preparing cohabiting couples for
marriage can help them identify and work with issues around commitment,
fidelity, individualism, pressure, appropriate expectations.
Many studies explore why cohabitors are more at risk when they marry. The research
suggests that there are two overlapping and reinforcing sources for risk:
- Predisposing attitudes and characteristics they take into the marriage;
- Experiences from the cohabitation itself that create problem patterns and behaviors.
Predisposing Attitudes and Characteristics:
- Cohabitors as a group are less committed to the institution of marriage and more accepting of divorce. As problems and issues arise to challenge the marriage, they are more likely to seek divorce as the solution. (Lillard, Brien & Waite, 1995; Bracher, Santow, Morgan & Trussell, 1993; Thomson & Colella, 1991; Bennett, Blanc, & Bloom, 1988)
- "Sexual exclusivity" is less an indicator of commitment for cohabitors than for noncohabitors. In this regard, cohabitation is more like dating than marriage. After marriage, a woman who cohabited before marriage is 3.3 times more likely to be sexually unfaithful than a woman who had not cohabited before marriage. (Forste & Tanfer, 1996)
- Cohabitors identify themselves or the relationship as poor risk for long-term happiness more often than do non-cohabitors. There is evidence that some cohabitors do have more problematic, lower-quality relationships with more individual and couple problems than noncohabitors. Often this is why they feel the need to test the relationship through cohabitation. There is the probability that some of these significant problems will carry over into the marriage relationship. (Lillard, Brien, Waite, 1995; Thomson & Colella, 1991; Booth & Johnson, 1988)
- Cohabitors tend to hold individualism as a more important value than non-cohabitors do. While married persons generally value interdependence and the exchange of resources, cohabitors tend to value independence and economic equality. These values do not necessarily change just because a cohabiting couple decides to move into marriage. (Clarkberg, Stolzenberg & Waite, 1995; Waite & Joyner, 1992; Bumpass, Sweet & Cherlin, 1991)
- Cohabitors can allow themselves to marry because of pressure from family and others and because of pressure to provide a stable home for children. While it is generally better for the children in a cohabiting household or a child to be born to a cohabiting couple to be raised in a stable marriage, this is not by itself sufficient reason for the marriage. While family and friends are often right to encourage marriage for a cohabiting couple, a marriage made under such pressure is problematic unless the couple chooses it for more substantial reasons. (Barber & Axinn, 1998; Wu, 1995; Mahler, 1996; Manning & Smock 1995; Teachman & Polanko, 1990)
- Cohabitors are demonstrated to have inappropriately high expectations of marriage that can lead them to be disillusioned with the ordinary problems or challenges of marriage. Cohabitors generally report lower satisfaction with marriage after they marry than do noncohabitors. There is danger that they think they have "worked out everything" and that any further challenges are the fault of the institution of marriage. (Brown, 1998; Nock, 1995; Booth & Johnson, 1988)
Experiences from the Cohabitation Itself
- The experience of cohabitation changes the attitudes about commitment and permanence and makes couples more open to divorce. (Axinn & Barber, 1997; Nock 1995; Schoen & Weinick 1993; Axinn & Thornton, 1992)
- Cohabitors have more conflict over money after they marry than noncohabitors do. Often they have set patterns of autonomy or competition about making and handling money during the time of cohabitation and this carries over to the marriage. Many couples have one pattern of money handling in the cohabitation household and have not discussed clearly how one or the other individual expects this pattern to change after marriage. (Singh & Lindsay, 1996; Ressler, Rand, Walters & Meliss, 1995; Waite, 1995)
- Domestic violence is a more common problem with cohabitors than with married persons and this pattern will carry over to a subsequent marriage relationship. Cohabiting partners can have a lesser felt need to protect the relationship while they are cohabiting because they do not see it as permanent. If this is the case, some will begin dysfunctional patterns of problem-solving. The existence of the partner's children in the relationship or stress over the permanency of the relationship are common causes of conflict and sometimes violence. (Jackson, 1996; McLaughlin, Leonard & Senchak 1992; Stets & Straus, 1989)
- Cohabitors who marry are less effective at conflict resolution than those who did not cohabit. Either a fear of upsetting an uncommitted relationship or the lack of need to protect a temporary relationship can be factors that lead cohabiting couples into poor patterns of conflict resolution which they then carry into marriage. (Booth & Johnson, 1988)
- Using sex as a controlling factor can be a negative pattern which cohabiting couples can bring to their subsequent marriage. Reinforcement of negative family of origin patterns can also have occurred in the cohabiting relationship and be carried over to marriage. Both of these patterns are common issues that dating couples carry into marriage, but they can be exaggerated by the cohabitation experience.(Waite & Joyner, 1996; Waite, 1995; Thornton & Axinn, 1993)
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